The Laws of USA-bility, According to Scott Thomas (Former Design Director, Obama for America)

To a web designer, IA stands for Information Architect. To a busload of Obama campaigners bound for swing states, IA meant Iowa. Thankfully, Scott Thomas, the former Design Director for the Obama election web site, was on hand to bridge that gap in the months leading up to last November 4th.

Within a week of polling day, Thomas had boarded a plane for Japan, to rest his eyes from screen diagrams, escape from the 24-7 network news treadmill and spouting election coverage. Little did he realize he'd stepped right into a country where the leading cigarette brand is called Hope and every storefront was plastered with billposters of domestic electoral candidates, with way worse graphics than those he'd overseen back home.

Last week, Thomas, who is launching a new book project, Designing Obama, presented to the Interaction Design graduate students at the School of Visual Arts here in New York city, not just to share his vacation photos of Tokyo, but to share lessons from the preceding months designing and endlessly refining what showed up on browsers for Barack.

Reflecting that IA, UX (for 'user experience') and design aren't commonly thrown about in political circles, Thomas likened his task to "guiding aimless children wondering through the vast wilderness of the Internet."

But what are public representatives doing if not meeting the needs of their audience appropriately? With the Obama web site as a perfect case study for demonstrating the power of effective interaction and experience design, he revealed how a common cause reconciled the otherwise divergent outlook and habits of campaign staff and new media designers.

After all, both political strategists and IAs roll up their sleeves to align a candidate, and his media, with what a participant audience have in mind. This time, their success lay in, amongst other things, aligning the design philosophy for the online experience with what the candidate would stand for in office: Promising transparency, responsiveness, public focus, agility, coherence and consistency of purpose and presentation, Obama needed a web interface with those same attributes, to set the tone well before Inauguration Day.

His team, headed by New Media Director, Joe Rospars, centralized the web efforts to "direct directly," as Thomas put it, resisting the sag of productivity on conference calls between campaign headquarters and a traditional network of ad agencies. With this degree of coordination, they could override the heavy bureaucracy that typically messes with consistent messaging and visual design.

The color scheme would be blue (not too blue sky, not too blue collar), white and accented with red call-to-action "Donate Now" buttons. Not a little bit Republican, but patriotic red, white and blue, says Thomas, taking usability cues from the gold "next task" lozenge that Amazon.com employs screen-after-screen so effectively from sale to sale. And why not? The voting public have become savvy online shoppers in the four years since the last major polling day.

Advances in technology also granted them the agility to tailor and update content, rectifying acceptable errors quickly, building, publishing and refining campaign messages for multiple audiences on the fly: Widgets and wizards allowed for quick-drill, on-screen experiences in plain English, projecting that government might well be able to handle the occasional joined-up task. Drawing from site analytics, transactions, like signing up, were customized dynamically to suit specific audiences and sustain their attention and involvement, at the speed of rolling news.

As speeches were broadcast, running mates were announced and door-to-door canvassing gathered pace, streaming video arrived on the site, and prime screen real estate was dedicated to single task-oriented buttons, prompting viewers to sign up, to share a story, to leave Joe Biden a congratulatory note, and of course, to send money. In each effort to elevate civic engagement, the project represented a break from the past: "Elections are like the Olympics for technology," Thomas explained. "Web sites, like campaigns, constantly need to evolve."

Did he refer much to the McCain campaign web site? "Only to laugh," Thomas admitted mischievously to his New York audience. Elephants or donkeys in the room, the students appreciated that the principles they learn as design practitioners, they may also apply as communicators for and with the public, and these lessons already have value all the way to the White House. Thomas launched his book, Designing Obama, funded by contributions to Kickstarter, appropriately online, this week.

Rachel Abrams is creative director of Turnstone Consulting. You can follow their work via Twitter at @turnstonetweets.

Comments

A more judicious critique is required.

For those of us in the Obama campaign working in the field, our online campaign system, ObamaForAmerica.com (OFA), was not all that it's been cracked up to be.

Among those with points of view divergent from the mainstream (i.e, campaign headquarters), the inability to diversify the online voice of the campaign was a straitjacket. Yes, yes, a candidate needs brand integrity, etc., but in this case it came at the price of honest political dialogue within the campaign, a price that's exacting today's fissures. Things weren't worked out online; they were left for "after the election." Which means forever, since the business of governing provides precious little time to work out the kinks in a President's or a party's future online campaign program.

Among grassroots organizers, the OFA system was especially galling as it reinforced the top-down communication patterns that made this campaign more typical than unique. Obama's official web strategy was to propagandize (meant positively) and create a constantly full channel of orders and encouragement issued from the top, not to invite suggestions from the base or to assist the grassroots with multilateral connectivity among field workers. OFA was an online arena with the vast majority of of us out in the stands, many in the bleachers. All eyes were on the man on the plate without few side conversations. We left the campaign as strangers, as we had arrived.

The one thing that incontestably worked going upstream was fundraising. Fundraising worked well. But it didn't provide a lasting advantage: witness Rep. Joe Wilson's (unintentional?) fundraising coup. Next year, conservative Democrats and Republicans, aided by corporate millions freed up by the Roberts Supreme Court, will be more than ready.

It's understandable that these issues might not be resolved when first experienced -- but they had been experienced before. Howard Dean's campaign encountered these problems, too. Joe Rospars, Obama's Internet czar, was a central figure in the Dean campaign, at first championing blogs as the answer to building a base. Eventually he, like those of us in the field who learned firsthand of blogging's inadequacies, came to see blogging as a one-trick pony, a tool for personal expression not well adapted to the task of running a campaign. But then the candidate won anyway. '

The lessons of 2003 were forgotten by 2008: user interactivity (beyond posting pictures and addresses) and autonomous communications -- speaking across instead of within campaign silos -- were not strong features of ObamaForAmerica.com.

Uncritical adulation of the Obama effort, simply because the candidate won -- due more to Americans disliking Bush and idealizing Obama than the power of technology and design -- is unwarranted. It may even be harmful, because it may conceal features that need criticism and defer improvements to an unknown, forcing future campaigners to use systems that are even more out of synch with the dramatically more fluid political situations in which they find themselves.

The sad state of the Administration's current online efforts testifies to the fact that dealing with online media in 2008 was as problematic as it was five years earlier, a situation that victory tended to obscure but which is now evident. It's time to get real while there's still time and the Democratic Party enjoys a rare breather.

• Charter Member, The WELL
• Former Principal Telecom & Information Policy Analyst,
California Legislature
• Founder, The Dean Issues Forum
• Former Volunteer, Obama for America